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THE FAMILIES OF those murdered on Bloody Sunday have challenged a decision to delay an inquiry into the incident.
Madden & Finucane Solicitors today lodged judicial review proceedings “challenging the decision by the Chief Constable to effectively end this multiple murder investigation”.
The solicitors represent the majority of those killed and injured on Bloody Sunday.
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In a statement released today, Madden & Finucane said that noted that less than six months ago the PSNI talked of its “statutory duty to investigate fully all matters of serious crime, including murder”, in its pursuit of the Boston College Tapes.
The solicitors said that it now appeared that “this statutory duty does not extend to murders committed by the British Army”.
We are taking these proceedings on behalf of twenty of our clients who are the next of kin of those murdered, the wounded and the families of the wounded who have since died.
Last month it emerged that the inquiry would be delayed due to budget cuts at the PSNI.
On 30 January 1972, 13 Catholic civil rights marchers were shot dead by British soldiers in Derry. Another man died from his injuries four months later. Several more were injured.
In 2010, following a 12-year inquiry, Lord Saville published his report into the shooting. He called the killings “unjustified and unjustifiable”. In July 2012, the PSNI said it would launch its own investigation into the deaths.
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Ciaran they arrest the odd few loyalist paramilitaries, the ones that weren’t working for the British state, but they never seem to arrest ex RUC or army personnel who were responsible for countless murders. Unlike unsolved murders committed by loyalist or republican paramilitaries where the identities of the people responsible are unknown, the state knows exactly who every single suspect for crimes committed by soldiers is, yet they don’t arrest them!
Several RUC officers were convicted of murder and other terrorist offences: Billy McCaughey, John Weir etc.
Several British soldiers were also convicted, e.g. the murders of Michael Naan and Andrew Murray in Co. Fermanagh in 1972 and the murders of Thomas “Kidso” Reilly and Peter McBride, although, regrettably, the soldiers who murdered Thomas and Peter were granted early release and allowed to remain in the Army.
Ciarán, let’s not give credence to the fallacy that there was equality in terms of sentencing. Around 25,000 republicans served jail sentences totaling a 100,000 years through the conflict. The number of british army members who served sentences for troubles related killings? Well we can count those on one hand. And each of them was released within 3/4 years and in some cases these convicted murders were not just released early amd not just allowed back into the british army and given guns, but we’re promoted. Kind of makes a mockery of the laughably termed IRA letters “amnesty” earlier on the year. Only one side in the conflict received an amnesty.
“And each of them was released within 3/4 years and in some cases these convicted murders were not just released early amd not just allowed back into the british army and given guns, but we’re promoted. ”
Collusion in hundreds of murders yet only 3/4 British Soldiers saw the inside of a cell (for however brief a time) and this wasn’t immunity?
I’d love to know how you can explain away this:
In 1972, 79 Irish people were shot dead by the British Army on Irish soil. The vast majority of these were civilians. In July 1972, a strategic government and security meeting at Stormont Castle was held, involving the Secretary for State William Whitelaw MP, the North’s most senior British Army officer the General Officer Commanding (GOC) General Ford, the Deputy Chief Constable of the RUC, plus Lord Windlesham the British government’s representative in the House of Lords, British MP’s, and senior civil servants from the NIO. Relatives for Justice last year unearthed a document from this meeting. The document includes some striking quotes:
* That the GOC (the Head of the British Army in the north) “would see UDA leaders that afternoon” to let them know that their “efforts as vigilantes” were “acceptable”.
* And that: “The (British) Army should not be inhibited in its campaign by the threat of court proceedings and should therefore be suitably indemnified.”
As mentioned, this meeting took place in 1972. That year 79 people were shot by the British Army. The meeting took place in July (just a few months after Bloody Sunday). That month the British Army killed 20 innocent Irish civilians. Not one British soldier faced a conviction for ANY of these killings throughout 1972.
And? Nothing to say about the second little quote there from the document? Or the fact that nobody was charged for any of those british army killings in the same year as a british government documents outlines a desire for the brotish army to be immune for prosecution?
And drop all this “legal” crap. It exacerbates the myth that the six counties had a normal legal system. The fact that I just showed you a quote from an official state letter where the British Government advocated immunity from prosecution for state crimes, should make that abumdantly clear.
Sorry ciaran was working all day couldnt get back to you but now that i can i think i neednt say any more everyone seems to have said it all already. So my statement still stands
Several RUC officers were convicted of terrorist offences in the 1970s, e.g. Billy McCaughey, John Weir, James Mitchell. Many loyalists were convicted of heinous crimes e.g. the Miami Showband and Greysteel massacres.
Sadly, some civilians were killed by mistake by security forces personnel during riots. In many cases, the action that the security forces took was justified. For example, an RUC officer was acquitted in the 1984 Seán Downes case because Downes was about to attack an officer with an iron bar. There was TV footage of Downes approaching the other officer and waving an iron bar. I saw it on “The Troubles I’ve Seen” on UTV a few weeks ago.
The RUC (the lawful police force in Northern Ireland at the time) was trying to arrest Irish-American terrorist sympathiser Martin Galvin at the time. By the way, the adults deliberately put themselves and their children in the RUC’s way. The officer who shot Downes was tried in a court of law and found not guilty.
And the 6 county courts and justice system were fair and honest and impartial? Is that why only 3 or 4 British soldiers saw the inside of a prison cell?
SHINNERBOT/SHÍNNER Ó BHOT/SHi#THEAD, changing your name from English to the Irish still doesn’t take away from the fact that you’re still an immature Pratt, and for those giving you the thumbs up when they must realize that you’re an imbecilic troll is mind boggling!
Don’t make me laugh! You’re certainly no comrade of mine! And as I pointed out earlier, your imbecilic trollings, particularly your previous one, just doesn’t make any sense!
@Ciaron Masterson, This is not about the IRA, Sinn Feinn, Jean Mc Conville or any other form of political point scoring. This is about justice for the murder of innocent people in my hometown, it is their families right to see that justice is carried out.
Pjm, not me, brought the Jean McConville case into it.
This is what pjm said: “Wasn’t someone arrested and questioned last month in Belfast in relation to another case which happened in the same year. Why are some cases still getting resources and others are ignored, oh I forget republicans are the only ones who should be hounded, British soldiers who committed these acts are on full pensions most probably with honours! Selective amnesia similar to our media and government.”
The crimes that were committed by loyalist and republican terrorists were much more heinous than what happened on Bloody Sunday.
The people of Derry – not Londonderry as Alan Shatter famously called it once – were involved in a peaceful march – the armed forces of their government opened fire and shot at them indiscriminately …. and we are led to believe for years that the British in the North were the good guys fighting terrorists …. agree or disagree with this if you wish !
Now let’s move things through history a little and cast our minds back to the riots in England a few years back – the youth were looting and burning the place down – where were the paratroopers then and if they opened fire as they did in Derry would cameron or the queen be where they are now ?
that puts it in the best context for me…..
Wasn’t someone arrested and questioned last month in Belfast in relation to another case which happened in the same year. Why are some cases still getting resources and others are ignored, oh I forget republicans are the only ones who should be hounded, British soldiers who committed these acts are on full pensions most probably with honours! Selective amnesia similar to our media and government.
Forensic technology was primitive in 1974. Therefore, there wasn’t enough evidence for extradition. Many relatives who died in atrocities committed by Loyalist and Republican paramilitaries have not got justice. It’s not whataboutery; it’s the truth.
There wasn’t enough evidence for extradition. Therefore, there was nothing that FG or any of the other parties in the Republic could do about it. Furthermore, the government was dealing with the cycle of violence that continued for another two decades.
The children at the Tuam mother-and-baby home died of illness because the country was poor at the time. There’s no evidence that any government minister was aware that children were being sexually abused by “Christian” Brothers. Furthermore, there is not a shred of evidence that vaccine trials in Ireland caused deaths.
And thats the only reason the Bloody Sunday murderers were never arrested? Funny that, because there were plenty of republicans charged in those days. Your excusing of british state coverups is shameful.
The evidence given at the Saville Tribunal cannot be used in the PSNI investigation because of the principle of compulsion. The passage of time has reduced the possibility of additional evidence being found. Furthermore, some of the soldiers are dead. Tragically, many soldiers killed civilians by mistaken when under attack.
Indeed it can’t be used in police evidence but to date it is the largest and moat thoroigh investigation into Bloody Sunday and its findings, which the British Government accepts, are at odds with your groundless claims. So excuse me for paying no heed on your utterly shameful statements.
” many soldiers killed civilians by mistaken when under attack.”
bullshite, innocent civilians were targetted for murder by the sas/mrf/fru etc, even the brits now admit to this and you spit your lies here. The brits murdered 1700 people, 120 of them were ira personnel, the rest were civilians.
the brits = brit army/ruc/uda/uvf/lvf/rhc/mi5/mi6/raf, all these were effectively one organisation
10,000 or more dead children and you want us to believe that fine gael didn’t know what was going on?
Children were experimented on, fine gael knew about that because it had to be signed off by the health minister at the time, the fact is that fg experimented on children just like herr goebles did.
The experiments only involved injection of vaccines. There’s no evidence that it had serious ill-effect. It’s not like the children were injected with sarin.
What YOU are saying is that those soldiers/murderers thought they were being attacked and only fired back to protect themselves. You, Ciarán, are therefore ignoring the the single biggest collection of evidence which exists into that day’s events and ignoring (or should I say denying) the findings of one of the largest public inquiries in history in order to put forward your own totally groundless claim and you provide no evidence to do back up that claim. Again, forgive me for not paying any heed on you amd your attempted justification for and excusing of, the murders of 14 innocent Civil Rights campaigners. Shame on you.
Personally away from Bloody Sunday I would like to see a new investigation into the Ballymurphy shootings, it appears from what I have heard that a nimbler of the shots were fired contrary to the Yellow Card. It was tge same Para Battalion involved in the Murph and Derry, be interesting to find if tge same company,nSupport Company.
Bloody Sunday was I believe down to a lot of panicking, does not excuse the actions, there were reasons to believe that ab ambush was planned by the IRA. The Murph shootings no panic they were as far as I’m aware carried out over a couple of days and in fairly wide apart areas of thee state.
The PSNI curtail the Bloody Sunday investigation due to funding cuts, yet spend £12 million a year policing the parades protest camp at Twiddel Av. A protest supported by the DUP and your on here attacking Sinn Fein stance on welfare cuts.
The evidence that was given at the Saville Tribunal cannot be used in a criminal investigation because of the principle of compulsion, i.e. no right to silence when giving evidence at a tribunal of inquiry. Therefore, the PSNI had to start from scratch. The number of witnesses who have come forward is much lower than expected. The actions of security forces personnel, unlike the actions of members of terrorist organisations, are presumed lawful until proven otherwise.
Furthermore, the murder of Jean McConville was much more heinous because she was abducted beforehand and the crime was premeditated. Soldiers thought that they were being attacked by the IRA and they panicked. By the way, none of the soldiers who opened fire on Bloody Sunday is in government in any part of the UK, unlike Martin McGuinness.
Panicked so much they shot dozens of unarmed people. Including teenagers. In the back, in the head, as they were running away, as they lay on the ground…
I don’t know about you, but for me that’s a stretch from ‘soldiers thought they were being attacked by the IRA and panicked’
But you go ahead and justify state slaughter of civil rights marchers if it suits your agenda
“Soldiers thoight they were being attacked by the IRA”
So the Saville Inquiry was wrong and you know what happened. Jaysus they should have asked you to drop in. Ciarán, utter shame on you to justify like this the murders of 14 civil rights campaigners.
“Soldiers thought that they were being attacked by the Ira and they panicked” is, in my opinion, justifying their actions. To go on and mention Martin McGuinness’ position in government straight after, comparing it to the soldiers on the day, is pretty messed up and betrays your attitude.
Soldiers’ “tragic mistakes”. The people who were there on the day know that it wasn’t a case of tragic mistakes. There was a concerted effort to kill, and then cover it up. Teach these insolent paddies a lesson.
I don’t like Sinn Fein either. But this is a strange article to air your grievances under
I didn’t justify the killings; I was merely explaining them. Tribunals of inquiry make their findings on the balance of probabilities. Guilt in criminal trials must be proven beyond reasonable doubt.
I never said that the protestors deserved to be killed and I never accused them of anything. Given that the death toll was relatively low and that no women or children were killed in the incident, it was hardly My Lai.
Comrade Sarafields, you may want to delete that last comment before you see the next article “Paramilitaries abused 500 children since 1990″.. we need to stay on message.
I never said that the protestors deserved to be killed and I never accused them of anything. Tribunal findings are on the balance of probabilities. Criminal convictions are beyond reasonable doubt.
I didn’t justify it. My point was that it was on a much smaller scale than what happened at My Lai. The deliberate killing of women and children is the most heinous of crimes.
You did justify it. You incorrectly put it down to mistakes and you gave a reason for those so called mistakes. That’s justifying it, whatever way you try to squirm out of it.
And by saying “hardly my Lai” you trivialised it.
In my book, that means you are a pretty nasty person
You put forward your own explanation and preswnted it as fact. You did so without any evidence whatsoever. Between your justification for the murders and the Saville Inquiry’s findings (based on actual evidence), I know which one I have reasonable doubts about.
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