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THE EUROPEAN UNION has long been recognised as one of history’s most successful peace projects. Peace is rightly at the heart of the Union and must remain at the core of European policy long into the future. However, the unavoidable realities of the 21st century mean that in order to protect our peace, we must face up to the current state of Irish and European defence capabilities, or lack thereof.
Europe finds itself at a turning point where the challenges we face today are unlike those of yesterday. Reports indicate there are currently 56 active conflicts around the world, the highest number since World War II.
There are escalating numbers of people being trafficked and children being smuggled, often overlooked but equally devastating forms of warfare on people. As one of the lead writers of the Revision to the EU’s Anti-Trafficking Directive, I firmly believe that Ireland must play a stronger role in addressing these crises.
The increasingly fragile state of the Middle East also drives home the precarious nature of peace. The war in Palestine, Israel and now Lebanon has exposed divisions across the EU, with Ireland taking a principled and humanitarian stance which has sometimes put us at odds with our European neighbours. This commitment to humanitarianism is reflected in our rich and meaningful history of peacekeeping abroad.
To date over 30,000 personnel have served in peacekeeping missions in Lebanon, with over 300 members of the Irish Defence Forces currently on the ground in ‘Camp Shamrock’. These soldiers are now in the face of an all-out war, yet remain in the Middle East under the UNIFIL mandate to protect civilian life.
Through our political actions and on-the-ground deployments, we have shown the world our dedication to peace – yet Ireland’s commitment to security at home is questioned by some in Europe.
Unsurprisingly, security and defence are at the top of the agenda for many EU member states. They were the main focus of the EPP Group’s recent study days and are regularly debated during plenary sessions in the European Parliament. President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen appointed the first ever Commissioner for Defence just last month.
Speaking with fellow MEPs from across the EU, they are concerned about the future of the EU but are equally committed to investing in its security. It is fair to say, however, that these issues have not always been at the top of Ireland’s priority list. Our outlier position on this topic is noted; there is a feeling amongst some member states that Ireland is a defence ‘freeloader’.
The current resourcing of our Navy perfectly illustrates the serious state of affairs of our defence forces. Ireland is at the most west periphery of the EU, surrounded by waters. We currently only have six Navy vessels in operation which are responsible for protecting 437,500sq km of Irish waters, an area seven times the size of Ireland’s land mass, for illegal fishing, smuggling and security threats.
In the late 2010s, the Naval Service carried out 27 patrol sailings per week. Fast forward to 2024, the Service is undertaking an average of 7.6 patrol sailings per week to monitor the same size area. In the 12 months to March 2024, 31 scheduled Naval Service patrol sailings had been cancelled due to staffing issues.
As a former 1ACS Reservist, I understand the practical ramifications of this neglect. With our serving members overworked and under-resourced, morale is at a low within our forces.
Recent allegations regarding the involvement of an Irish politician with a Russian operative raise further concerns about the international perceptions of Ireland’s security.
According to Deputy Cathal Berry, Ireland is seen as “ground zero” as a target for attacks and influence from Russia by EU member states.
For too long, we have relied on our neighbours, in particular the UK, for our defence needs. Post-Brexit, that strategy is no longer viable or responsible. We now share a border with a “third country” and find ourselves in the unique and unusual position of being a prosperous EU nation, home to social media platforms and financial services firms, yet unable to secure our own borders adequately.
Military neutrality is a cornerstone of Irish foreign policy, and while it will rightly remain that way into the future, it cannot be an excuse for inaction. Our participation in four EU PESCO (Permanent Structured Cooperation) projects—focused on cyber threats, maritime surveillance and military relief capabilities—signals that we are already contributing to EU defence efforts without undermining our neutrality. The conversation now needs to go further.
A neutral Ireland should not be a defenceless Ireland. A policy of neutrality does not mean we can avoid conversations about improving our military capabilities, ensuring our defence forces are adequately funded, or what role Ireland can play in the broader security of the European Union.
The Government has acknowledged the gap that currently exists, and is taking steps towards rectifying the actions of the past. By 2028, our defence budget is set to rise from €1.1 billion to €1.5 billion, the largest increase in the history of the State. The Government has also committed to the hiring of an additional 2,000 personnel, both civil and military. I am also heartened to see our Minister for European Affairs and Defence Jennifer Carroll MacNeill take on this issue with the seriousness it requires.
When some hear of European defence, they may fear the spectre of an “EU army,” imagining women and men in uniform marching across the continent. But this vision is misleading and inaccurate. To my mind, an EU defence strategy is about cooperation, shared intelligence, and responding together to the sophisticated and unprecedented threats we face today—not about erasing our national identities or undermining our values.
According to results from the Government’s Consultative Forum on International Security Policy, a popular mandate to drop the current policy of neutrality does not exist. Therefore, in accordance with the will of the people, neutrality and peace will remain at the heart of Ireland’s foreign policy.
However, are there still steps we can take to strengthen our own defence forces as well as our role in Europe’s security? Yes, I believe so.
It’s time to grow our Reserve Defence Forces and utilise the skills developed by those who serve in this capacity. We need to ensure that our military is equipped not just for peacekeeping but for the complex, sophisticated threats we face today and in the future. Ultimately, we need to look beyond our own defence capabilities and consider our position within the future of European defence and security policy. I believe Ireland can be a leader in cyber defence, maritime security, and peacekeeping — areas where our values and expertise align.
Failure to take such action not only risks our own peace and security, but it jeopardises, undermining the strength of our relationship with the EU and our European neighbours.
Maria Walsh is a Fine Gael MEP and a member of the European People’s Party (Christian Democrats).
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