Support from readers like you keeps The Journal open.
You are visiting us because we have something you value. Independent, unbiased news that tells the truth. Advertising revenue goes some way to support our mission, but this year it has not been enough.
If you've seen value in our reporting, please contribute what you can, so we can continue to produce accurate and meaningful journalism. For everyone who needs it.
Since the conflict began in Ukraine, western governments have scrambled to form and maintain a united front against Russian President Vladimir Putin’s aggression. They’ve imposed heavy sanctions and pledged military and humanitarian aid in support of Ukraine.
Ireland, despite being a small island nation, has played no small part in the diplomatic efforts in recent weeks, as a member of the European Union and with its seat on the UN Security Council. As Ireland is a neutral country, the government here has had to navigate the new geopolitical realities under that umbrella and this has caused much frustration and debate at home in recent weeks.
Speaking last month, Taoiseach Micheál Martin said, “Whilst militarily neutral, we’re not politically neutral”, a line repeated by senior ministers since this conflict began.
But what does Irish neutrality mean in the face of a fresh global crisis in 2022? Many would say that the Irish government bypassed neutrality 20 years ago by nailing its colours to the US mast by facilitating the landing of US military personnel at Shannon Airport. Can Ireland truly maintain a neutral stance with Russian troops at the door of Europe?
During Leaders’ Questions In the Dáil this week, Galway TD Catherine Connolly expressed her anger at recent comments around neutrality, saying “the policy of neutrality is not a passive policy. It’s a very active policy”. Here, former foreign affairs minister Charlie Flanagan and People Before Profit TD Richard Boyd Barrett set out their views on Irish neutrality in a changing world:
Charlie Flanagan: Ireland must get serious on Security and Defence…
‘The fact that NATO provides security for Western Europe has given us the luxury of avoiding difficult choices’
Charlie Flanagan Rolling News
Rolling News
IN FUTURE YEARS when the history of this century is being written, February 2022 will be marked as the month when President Putin of Russia unleashed the dogs of war in Europe.
His decision to invade Ukraine, supported by the Russian political, military and diplomatic establishment was prepared for and planned over a long period of time. President Putin rejected intense diplomatic efforts to resolve the crisis in favour of war. Indeed, President Macron of France has categorised Putin’s approach as “duplicitous.” Putin will be remembered as another monster of European history.
I have read President’s Putin long dissertation on Russian/Ukraine relations, published in July of last year. It is obvious from that piece he is an old-style Russian nationalist and imperialist.
He does not recognise the legitimacy of Ukrainian sovereignty and he wishes to impose his will, by force, on his neighbours. Putin claims that Ukrainians and Russians are family, but he has now turned the guns on his brothers and sisters. The invasion of Ukraine is the latest in a series of military adventures by President Putin and his henchmen. Chechnya, Georgia, Moldova, Syria, Crimea, Donbas, Kazakhstan, Belarus are all part of the same pattern of behaviour. Brutal military adventures across Europe have been accompanied by assassinations, poisonings and the suppression of internal dissent. At home, in Russia, arbitrary imprisonment has become commonplace.
The defence question
The invasion of Ukraine has sent shock waves around the world. The international response has been impressive on a variety of levels. Resistance by the Ukrainian army and public is stronger than Putin expected. There is evidence that some in the Russian military are questioning the invasion and many individual soldiers appear uncomfortable when challenged by Ukrainian citizens.
Despite the risk of imprisonment, there is also evidence of growing dissent within Russia. This is Putin’s war, not the war of the Russian people. It is unlikely however that President Putin will be removed from power in the short term. More likely is the danger however that he will double down on his naked military aggression as he meets resistance at home and abroad. He has already made sinister threats regarding nuclear weapons. His mindset is unlikely to change and he may prefer to go down in flames rather than a reversal of course.
The invasion of Ukraine has forced a dramatic reassessment of the threat and risk posed to Europe and the wider world by President Putin and Russia. Germany in particular has benefited from the collapse of the Soviet Union and the consequent peace dividend. However, it has become dependent on Russia for more than 50% of its gas supplies. During the last 30 years, it has also underinvested in defence. Its military capacity has been seriously eroded during the same period.
General Alfons Mas, Head of the German Army, in a frank comment last week said – “the army I have the honour of leading, is more or less empty-handed”. German Chancellor Scholz then announced a major investment programme in Germany’s military but of course, it will take time to deliver.
Irish neutrality
The tragedy in Ukraine has as strong message for Ireland and our approach to security and defence. Our geographic position and the fact that NATO provides security for Western Europe has given us the luxury of avoiding difficult choices. Effectively we have been freeloaders.
The Irish position on security and defence is no longer tenable. Ireland may not be aligned militarily but we are not politically neutral. We share a community of interest with the European Union. Our membership of the EU and our relationship with the United States is central to Ireland’s wellbeing and prosperity.
Advertisement
The future of the EU is also Ireland’s future. Membership of the EU brings responsibility to actively engage with the Common Security and Defence Policy of the EU. As chair of the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence, I have been engaged in discussions with other non-aligned members of the EU such as Sweden, Austria and Finland on their understanding of security and defence issues within the EU.
Now is the time that Ireland must look to our own defences. The recent report of the Commission on the Defence Forces has set the framework of that debate. The Report has set out what is required – the Defence Forces will be a joint military force capable of providing the people of Ireland with a safe and secure environment and enforcing and protecting Ireland’s sovereignty.
The report sets out what needs to be done to achieve this goal. It will involve major re-organisation of the Defence Forces and will also require significantly enhanced resources. At a minimum, our defence forces must be in a position to patrol and monitor Ireland’s airspace and our territorial waters and wider economic zone. We must also be in a position to defend ourselves against disruptive cyberattacks and misinformation campaigns aimed at destabilising our society and political system.
I intend the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence, will be the forum where this report and related issues can be discussed in depth. Critical issues surrounding investment, recruitment, staff retention and career progression in the Defence Forces, can no longer be ignored or put on the long finger.
Peacekeepers
Ireland’s military has a proud record of peacekeeping across the world, and this must be maintained. Peacekeeping is a necessary and valuable contribution to security in many conflict zones.
Ireland’s capacity to participate in peacekeeping missions should not be subject to the veto of a permanent member of the UN Security Council. Russia and China affect much of Ireland’s Foreign Policy. Participation in UN peacekeeping missions should only need the consent of the government and the Dáil Eireann.
On Ukraine, US intelligence on the imminence of the Russian threat turned out to be accurate. European countries’ wishful thinking and their close economic and business ties with Russia may well have clouded their judgement. The US is now prominent in the pushback against Russian aggression. Only a few years ago former US President Donald Trump was contemplating withdrawing the US from NATO.
We live in uncertain times. Ireland must be willing to shoulder greater responsibility for our own security and defence and that of the European Union. I have learned from countries like Finland and Sweden that strong defences are the most effective security guarantees of all.
It’s important for Ireland to closely study the shifting ground on the part of the so-called neutral countries. Finland and Sweden have now been given access to all NATO meetings and briefings on Ukraine.
The invasion of Ukraine is a wake-up call for Europe, for Germany in particular, and for the wider world. It is also a wake-up call for Ireland. We must be prepared to learn from the daily tragedy in eastern Europe, and the scale of the risks and challenges the European Union must now confront.
Charles Flanagan TD is Chair of the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Foreign Affairs & Defence and a former Minister in both the Departments of Foreign Affairs and Justice.
================= On the other hand ===============
Richard Boyd Barrett: Ireland must defend its neutrality
‘Now it seems that the Ukrainian invasion will be used to further undermine neutrality andjustify spending billions more on arms and weapons.’
RollingNews.ie
RollingNews.ie
THE WORLD IS rightly horrified by the brutal invasion of Ukraine instigated by Vladimir Putin. Bloody images of wrecked cities, dead bodies, people being forced to drink out of puddles and the ensuing humanitarian and refugee crisis shows us that Putin is a warmonger, a thug and a despot. We must be unequivocal in condemning Putin’s inexcusable and murderous actions in Ukraine.
We must all extend our solidarity to the Ukrainian people and redouble our efforts to extend humanitarian aid to the people in Ukraine and refuge to those who have been forced to flee their homes in terrifying conditions.
However, it is alarming that the terrible events in Ukraine are being used by a chorus of media commentators to suggest Ireland should abandon its military neutrality or, in some cases, call nakedly for NATO membership and participation in military alliances.
Worryingly, these sentiments are also echoed by senior figures and TDs in the government, particularly, within Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil.
Related Reads
The world of the mega-rich oligarchs and how it's being exploded by Putin
Ireland needs to have ‘fundamental rethink’ over security, says Coveney
EU adds 160 Russian oligarchs to sanctions list, cuts three Belarus banks from SWIFT system
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Simon Coveney, at the Council of Foreign Affairs in New York this week, said Irish politics was changing in response to the Ukraine crisis and suggested a greater appetite for spending more on defence, greater co-operation with other EU countries and partnerships with NATO.
This follows similar comments from the Tánaiste, Leo Varadkar, who said we “need to think about greater involvement in European defence,” – a defence, of course, directly aligned with NATO through PESCO. Taoiseach, Micheál Martin echoed the same theme, saying “Neutrality is a policy issue that can change at any time.”
This is very worrying language and points to the direction that the Irish government wishes to lead us. Already, military neutrality has been substantially undermined by Ireland’s support for US imperialist adventures in the Middle East.
Now it seems that the Ukrainian invasion will be used to further undermine neutrality andjustify spending billions more on arms and weapons. The clamour to do so is especially ironic coming as it does from parties that have overseen a crisis in the pay and conditions of our ordinary defence personnel for decades.
Muddied waters
People Before Profit believes it is imperative that we protect our traditional policy of military neutrality and that abandoning that policy would be absolutely the wrong response to this crisis.
Ireland’s policy of neutrality has its origins in the foundation of our state when the 1916 Rising and the revolution of 1918-21 were precisely revolts against the imperial slaughter of World War 1. James Connolly famously led the Irish Citizens Army out to the GPO under the banner “for neither King nor Kaiser”, in other words, rejecting both imperial alliances in World War 1.
Ireland should not now abandon that proud, if sullied, tradition of opposing all warmongers and empires.
The solution to Putin’s bloody warmongering in Ukraine is not to align with military alliances such as NATO, whose leading members, particularly the US and UK, have equally bloody records of warmongering in Iraq and Afghanistan – wars that claimed hundreds of thousands of innocent lives.
As we speak, NATO members, the US, UK and France arm and support the brutal dictatorship in Saudi Arabia, to conduct a war in Yemen that has claimed the lives of 377,000 people and brought 14 million people to the brink of famine.
The US and other European NATO members continue to arm, support and trade with Israel who have now been indicted by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch for Apartheid, crimes against humanity, and systematic breaches of international law against the Palestinian people.
Double standards?
It is absolutely right that the Irish government have been so forthright in their condemnation of Putin’s warmongering in Ukraine. However, it demonstrates remarkable double standards that our government refuses to condemn equally the war crimes or crimes against humanity committed by the big western powers or their allies, such as Israel or Saudi, and indeed trenchantly resist calls for sanctions to be opposed on these regimes for their crimes.
The fact that Ireland is a neutral state gives us the moral credibility to speak out against all warmongering, occupation and oppression, whether it is Russia, the US, China, Israel, Saudi or anywhere else. It also makes Ireland as a country, and Irish soldiers on peace-keeping missions abroad, less of a target for military attack or terrorism.
The last thing that we need to do in the face of Putin’s warmongering in Ukraine is to encourage the idea that more militarism and arms spending is the solution, or to align with other military alliances whose leading powers have been and are guilty instigating and supporting equally horrific atrocities elsewhere in the world.
In fact, now more than ever, as we witness the disastrous consequences of Putin’s war in Ukraine, it is crucially important for Ireland as a neutral country to be a voice of opposition to all war, occupation, empire and the global arms trade.
Ireland must be the leading voice internationally for the de-escalation of conflict and for peace.
Richard Boyd Barrett is a People Before Profit TD for Dún Laoghaire in Dublin.
Readers like you are keeping these stories free for everyone...
A mix of advertising and supporting contributions helps keep paywalls away from valuable information like this article.
Over 5,000 readers like you have already stepped up and support us with a monthly payment or a once-off donation.
To embed this post, copy the code below on your site
Close
16 Comments
This is YOUR comments community. Stay civil, stay constructive, stay on topic.
Please familiarise yourself with our comments policy
here
before taking part.
@Peter B: The EU couldn’t deal with youth unemployment in Southern Europe, the debacle of the Greek economy, the migrant crisis, terrorism and brexit. I never thought for one second that they could deal with this. And the sad thing is we can’t even hold them accountable. What a sham!
@Peter B: best reasonable effort doesn’t justify selling to the U.K. first and the U.K. factories are included in the contract as if part of the EU, the contract justifies the EU position.
@Peter B: Absolutely. It is a classic longform contract that each side can interpret as they want. The EU might find judges that agree with their interpretation but it’s just as likely the judges would agree with the AZ interpretation. In any case by the time it would be resolved in a court case the Pandemic will be over or we’ll be dealing with the next one! EU does a great job proving the Tories right that it is too bureaucratic for its own good!
@Eugene Norman: again NO! The UK left the EU on 31st Jan 2020, before the contract was signed. They were not part of the EU since that date. During the transition period the UK was a third country already.
I foresee this debacle is AstraZeneca shooting themselves in the foot. Over a longer period of time, they will need the EU. Remember the EU is the largest trading block.
A business should never alienate a customer, and that is what AstraZeneca is doing.
The EU will find a way around this problem. It will take a bit longer, but they will find it. And AstraZeneca will pay in the long run, one way or another
@Parked: how exactly?
There’s a long time saying in business that says the customer is always right. And I used to run a business training course called the Customer is King.
AstraZeneca is losing sight of a lot of business principles. Thats why I foresee them paying in the long term
@Bob Tallent: this was one of the facts bounded about during Brexit, The EU is a dwindling economic power, it’s not going to be the biggest for long unless it changes.
No matter how often the European Commission keeps stressing that the argument is not with the Britain but with a private company, this is nonetheless like a gift for Boris Johnson, since it seems as though the commission is inadvertedly achieving the impossible: uniting Remain and Leave voters.
@Mick Tobin: Nobody cares what Johnson thinks anymore, not Leaver, not Remainer, he’s delivered a total mess, not quite an Eton mess but a very large mess, his days are numbered and everybody knows they’re putting the squeeze on AZ and this is the way for AZ to get out from under the Tory jackboot.
Timing of the contract is pertinent. If UK was a part of the EU at the time, it is a reasonable interpretation to say EU includes the UK.
So it seems it amounts to a UK involved company thinking they get to keep the money and take their ball with them when they leave. The company has made a pandemic vaccine political and long term will pay the price. People generally don’t sign repeated contracts with individuals, companies, and governments that don’t live up to their end.
@Carol Oates: The contract explicitly had a provision that for manufacturing site purposes, the EU was to be interpreted to include the UK (5.4).
It doesn’t have a provision that “due to the transition period” (which you could argue implicitly terminated the provision on 1 January) and it doesn’t otherwise mention a time limit for when the provision ends.
@Gerard: It could be argued all right and should be argued in court. Negotiation has obiviously failed. It is very obivious the spirit of the contract was the company would make every effort to deliver and are not doing so. Countries need to know one way or another what is happening. If the UK government thinks supporting their stance will earn them any points in future negotiations with the EU or the company thinks making it an arguable contract will work to their favor in future, they are living in dreamland. Its the EUs fault for trusting them to live up to the spirit of the contract and actually make the best effort promised.
@Eugene Norman: There is an argument only to the point that anything can be argued, even if facts don’t support it. Whether AZ should argue it or can possibly find a winning argument is the question.
@Carol Oates: The UK left the EU on the 31 January 2020 after that was a transition period, there was nobody representing the UK in the EU after that date and they were not paying into the EU either.
It seems pretty clear to me that the contract justifies the EU position. Best reasonable effort doesn’t mean you get to sell to another customer in preference. Any other contract they entered into is irrelevant to this one. The factories in the U.K. are considered to be part of the deal. Where are the mouth breathers who opine that this proves the U.K./AZ position coming from?
@Joan Murray: no it couldn’t. That’s not the way contract law works. What’s signed when means nothing. If I sign a contract with a candle maker for 100 candles that he has guaranteed then he owes me 100 candles. A best effort clause would only apply if there was a shortage of candle wax or whatever. Privileging other clients doesn’t work.
@Eugene Norman: but in your analogy there was a shortage of candle wax. The production from the continental sites was not high enough to meet the best efforts?
Yesterday I was blaming the EU but it seems that AZ are at fault after all. The vaccines manufacturered in the UK should be part of the EU supply as per the contract. It’s an ugly row and hopefully it will get sorted out soon.
But the argument of AZ appears to be the UK ordered first, so that makes it priority, because of the “best effort provision”. If you can’t do it, you can’t do it, and so you have made your best effort. But if you CAN do it, it’s just you promised it to someone else first, and the contract doesn’t say you can do that, I don’t see how that’s “best effort”.
Otherwise best effort would just mean whatever the company wants it to mean based on their business priorities.
In any case, any legal arguments are probably beside the point, because it’ll end up being settled by politics, not law.
@Gerard: it’s clear AZ have signed contracts to deliver more than they can. The timing of the contract signing is irrelevant. There must be penalties built in for breach of contract which I assume is driving AZ’s decision on who to cut back on
@Gerard: of course you are right. If I ask a factory for 300 widgets by Q1, and there is a best effort clause it’s only a get out clause of they have manufacturing problems. Other clients are not my issue. Who signed first isn’t part of contract law either.
@Eugene Norman: well actually, earlier agreements do impact the enforcement of a contract. The UK contract could have priority, but it hasn’t been published
@Joan Murray: incorrect .. they would have had to reveal that .. also clause in contract saying no other agreements with third parties can supersede this contract
@Joan Murray: no they don’t John – not unless specified in the contract.
No matter what you are reading in the Tory press that just isn’t true and it couldn’t be true. If it were true then contracts would be worthless pieces of paper if you signed any provider with existing customers. Capitalism would collapse.
“So this contract we just signed guarantees 99.99% uptime”.
“Sure. Although of course our existing clients come first and you might get 50% or so since they get first dibs”.
@Ally Mc Culladgh: it’s hard to tell which side you are attacking here but contract law is pretty simple on the matter of when contracts are signed. It doesn’t matter unless it’s specified in the contract itself.
@Eugene Norman: please explain how contract law is simple. It is infact extremely complex. Also different countries have different laws. This one comes under Belgium law. So please enlighten us all on the simplicity of contract laws in Belgium
No-one has seen the contract signed with the UK…. maybe they have a cast iron contract to guarantee delivery, which pre dates the EU contract and therefore has precedence. Ireland and any other EU country could have opted not to wait while the EU bureaucrats dithered over signing a contract in the first place Hungary has gone this route, despite being tut-tutted at – though I am not sure I would want to rely on the Russian vaccine. we could be well on our way to having all the most vulnerable vaccinated by now. And, the EU still hasn’t approved the Oxford vaccine, and looks like it won’t be approved for over 65s in any event. This is what happens with decision making in a bureaucracy.
@Joan Murray: that’s like saying, “I agreed to pay my mortgage, but I promised I’d repay money I borrowed from a friend as a priority.”
Your friend has every right to expect you to pay them first, since you promised them that. But the bank doesn’t need to care — they didn’t agree you could pay your friend first.
An article in Spectator Magazine headed EU does not understand contract law publishes clause in contract between Commission and Curevac (german suppliers) by which curevac undertakes to use its best reasonable endeavours to make available by end of April vacines for member states having regard to it commitment under other order (to germany direct) No doubt contract with Pfeizer contains same clause .
the contract between the commission and curevac is dependent on the agreement between member states and commission to purchase thru block scheme with a freedom to opt out.
No wonder govt cant be sure when there will be easing of restrictions if this is contract for supply of vacine govt is relying on A contract that allows suppliers fulfill commitment to other orders. TD have not mentioned any of this either .
@Jim: the only cracks I see are in AZ’s position. I heard L.O’Neill on a weiner last night wonder out loud why Oxford has chosen AZ as partner. They have no track record in vaccines which involves a complex process whereas companies like Pfizer and J andJ do.
@Brendan Greene: “why AZ?” Simple, Oxford Uni we’re going to work with Merck in Germany, but the UK Gov said no, we’ll fund it but you have to have the manufacturing in The UK, so they changed to AZ.
@Eddie Michael: Astra published it after the European threatened to so . Interestingly the page showing the definition of cost was completely redacted by Astra
Does AZ not realise the EU could chew them pieces over this. Any contract they had with the UK, if not mentioned and agreed to in the EU contract, means absolutely nothing.
Remarkable how much anti EU and pro Brexit sentiment on this board. It’s clearly not reflective of reality. I suppose if you spend a lot of time online as an English speaker the British produce a lot of output.
Also the misunderstanding of contract law is comical.
The EU have just authorized its use so it seems reasonable to deliver to countries that authorized it first.
As it only works for 60% of cases, the EU should try to use better alternatives if possible.
The article is incorrect in its stipulation of the position of The UK at the time the contract was signed: The UK left The EU on the 31st Jan 2020. When this contract was signed The UK had already left The EU!
You do realise astrazeneca is Swedish and UK business with its main offices in Sweden 5000 employees . So are they going to punish Sweden. The EU showed its true colours by trying to bring in article 16 but backed down. They could try to go through the courts which will take years and the EU would probably lose. They should try diplomacy instead of bullying tactics like they have used on Ireland and Greece
'We were always coming back': Astronauts who were stuck in space for months say 'lessons learned'
4 mins ago
29
0
mallow
Two women who died following collision in Co Cork yesterday named locally
8 mins ago
2
Dublin
Mother and son face losing home after change to tenants scheme
23 hrs ago
71.7k
Your Cookies. Your Choice.
Cookies help provide our news service while also enabling the advertising needed to fund this work.
We categorise cookies as Necessary, Performance (used to analyse the site performance) and Targeting (used to target advertising which helps us keep this service free).
We and our 161 partners store and access personal data, like browsing data or unique identifiers, on your device. Selecting Accept All enables tracking technologies to support the purposes shown under we and our partners process data to provide. If trackers are disabled, some content and ads you see may not be as relevant to you. You can resurface this menu to change your choices or withdraw consent at any time by clicking the Cookie Preferences link on the bottom of the webpage .Your choices will have effect within our Website. For more details, refer to our Privacy Policy.
We and our vendors process data for the following purposes:
Use precise geolocation data. Actively scan device characteristics for identification. Store and/or access information on a device. Personalised advertising and content, advertising and content measurement, audience research and services development.
Cookies Preference Centre
We process your data to deliver content or advertisements and measure the delivery of such content or advertisements to extract insights about our website. We share this information with our partners on the basis of consent. You may exercise your right to consent, based on a specific purpose below or at a partner level in the link under each purpose. Some vendors may process your data based on their legitimate interests, which does not require your consent. You cannot object to tracking technologies placed to ensure security, prevent fraud, fix errors, or deliver and present advertising and content, and precise geolocation data and active scanning of device characteristics for identification may be used to support this purpose. This exception does not apply to targeted advertising. These choices will be signaled to our vendors participating in the Transparency and Consent Framework.
Manage Consent Preferences
Necessary Cookies
Always Active
These cookies are necessary for the website to function and cannot be switched off in our systems. They are usually only set in response to actions made by you which amount to a request for services, such as setting your privacy preferences, logging in or filling in forms. You can set your browser to block or alert you about these cookies, but some parts of the site will not then work.
Targeting Cookies
These cookies may be set through our site by our advertising partners. They may be used by those companies to build a profile of your interests and show you relevant adverts on other sites. They do not store directly personal information, but are based on uniquely identifying your browser and internet device. If you do not allow these cookies, you will experience less targeted advertising.
Functional Cookies
These cookies enable the website to provide enhanced functionality and personalisation. They may be set by us or by third party providers whose services we have added to our pages. If you do not allow these cookies then these services may not function properly.
Performance Cookies
These cookies allow us to count visits and traffic sources so we can measure and improve the performance of our site. They help us to know which pages are the most and least popular and see how visitors move around the site. All information these cookies collect is aggregated and therefore anonymous. If you do not allow these cookies we will not be able to monitor our performance.
Store and/or access information on a device 110 partners can use this purpose
Cookies, device or similar online identifiers (e.g. login-based identifiers, randomly assigned identifiers, network based identifiers) together with other information (e.g. browser type and information, language, screen size, supported technologies etc.) can be stored or read on your device to recognise it each time it connects to an app or to a website, for one or several of the purposes presented here.
Personalised advertising and content, advertising and content measurement, audience research and services development 143 partners can use this purpose
Use limited data to select advertising 113 partners can use this purpose
Advertising presented to you on this service can be based on limited data, such as the website or app you are using, your non-precise location, your device type or which content you are (or have been) interacting with (for example, to limit the number of times an ad is presented to you).
Create profiles for personalised advertising 83 partners can use this purpose
Information about your activity on this service (such as forms you submit, content you look at) can be stored and combined with other information about you (for example, information from your previous activity on this service and other websites or apps) or similar users. This is then used to build or improve a profile about you (that might include possible interests and personal aspects). Your profile can be used (also later) to present advertising that appears more relevant based on your possible interests by this and other entities.
Use profiles to select personalised advertising 83 partners can use this purpose
Advertising presented to you on this service can be based on your advertising profiles, which can reflect your activity on this service or other websites or apps (like the forms you submit, content you look at), possible interests and personal aspects.
Create profiles to personalise content 39 partners can use this purpose
Information about your activity on this service (for instance, forms you submit, non-advertising content you look at) can be stored and combined with other information about you (such as your previous activity on this service or other websites or apps) or similar users. This is then used to build or improve a profile about you (which might for example include possible interests and personal aspects). Your profile can be used (also later) to present content that appears more relevant based on your possible interests, such as by adapting the order in which content is shown to you, so that it is even easier for you to find content that matches your interests.
Use profiles to select personalised content 35 partners can use this purpose
Content presented to you on this service can be based on your content personalisation profiles, which can reflect your activity on this or other services (for instance, the forms you submit, content you look at), possible interests and personal aspects. This can for example be used to adapt the order in which content is shown to you, so that it is even easier for you to find (non-advertising) content that matches your interests.
Measure advertising performance 134 partners can use this purpose
Information regarding which advertising is presented to you and how you interact with it can be used to determine how well an advert has worked for you or other users and whether the goals of the advertising were reached. For instance, whether you saw an ad, whether you clicked on it, whether it led you to buy a product or visit a website, etc. This is very helpful to understand the relevance of advertising campaigns.
Measure content performance 61 partners can use this purpose
Information regarding which content is presented to you and how you interact with it can be used to determine whether the (non-advertising) content e.g. reached its intended audience and matched your interests. For instance, whether you read an article, watch a video, listen to a podcast or look at a product description, how long you spent on this service and the web pages you visit etc. This is very helpful to understand the relevance of (non-advertising) content that is shown to you.
Understand audiences through statistics or combinations of data from different sources 74 partners can use this purpose
Reports can be generated based on the combination of data sets (like user profiles, statistics, market research, analytics data) regarding your interactions and those of other users with advertising or (non-advertising) content to identify common characteristics (for instance, to determine which target audiences are more receptive to an ad campaign or to certain contents).
Develop and improve services 83 partners can use this purpose
Information about your activity on this service, such as your interaction with ads or content, can be very helpful to improve products and services and to build new products and services based on user interactions, the type of audience, etc. This specific purpose does not include the development or improvement of user profiles and identifiers.
Use limited data to select content 37 partners can use this purpose
Content presented to you on this service can be based on limited data, such as the website or app you are using, your non-precise location, your device type, or which content you are (or have been) interacting with (for example, to limit the number of times a video or an article is presented to you).
Use precise geolocation data 46 partners can use this special feature
With your acceptance, your precise location (within a radius of less than 500 metres) may be used in support of the purposes explained in this notice.
Actively scan device characteristics for identification 27 partners can use this special feature
With your acceptance, certain characteristics specific to your device might be requested and used to distinguish it from other devices (such as the installed fonts or plugins, the resolution of your screen) in support of the purposes explained in this notice.
Ensure security, prevent and detect fraud, and fix errors 92 partners can use this special purpose
Always Active
Your data can be used to monitor for and prevent unusual and possibly fraudulent activity (for example, regarding advertising, ad clicks by bots), and ensure systems and processes work properly and securely. It can also be used to correct any problems you, the publisher or the advertiser may encounter in the delivery of content and ads and in your interaction with them.
Deliver and present advertising and content 99 partners can use this special purpose
Always Active
Certain information (like an IP address or device capabilities) is used to ensure the technical compatibility of the content or advertising, and to facilitate the transmission of the content or ad to your device.
Match and combine data from other data sources 72 partners can use this feature
Always Active
Information about your activity on this service may be matched and combined with other information relating to you and originating from various sources (for instance your activity on a separate online service, your use of a loyalty card in-store, or your answers to a survey), in support of the purposes explained in this notice.
Link different devices 53 partners can use this feature
Always Active
In support of the purposes explained in this notice, your device might be considered as likely linked to other devices that belong to you or your household (for instance because you are logged in to the same service on both your phone and your computer, or because you may use the same Internet connection on both devices).
Identify devices based on information transmitted automatically 88 partners can use this feature
Always Active
Your device might be distinguished from other devices based on information it automatically sends when accessing the Internet (for instance, the IP address of your Internet connection or the type of browser you are using) in support of the purposes exposed in this notice.
Save and communicate privacy choices 69 partners can use this special purpose
Always Active
The choices you make regarding the purposes and entities listed in this notice are saved and made available to those entities in the form of digital signals (such as a string of characters). This is necessary in order to enable both this service and those entities to respect such choices.
have your say